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up his abortion business. But even if we give Hartmann's colleagues the benefit of the doubt we cannot rule out the probability that they were also motivated by commercial considerations. Hartmann himself was certainly convinced that the 'smear campaign' against him was fuelled by 'professional jealousy', because he had 'repeatedly strayed into their patch*.2' The Rosaiheimcr Volkszettung came to a similar conclusion and called the complaints against Hartmann 'utterly base libellous allegiations cunningly constructed by a corrupt clique of competitors'.28 Even Zwicknagel's damning report gave support to such an interpretation. He thought Hartmann had been concerned 'solely with catching more patients' and had performed 'operations ... for easy monetary gain'.20 Professional envy as a motive for the denunciation should certainly not be discounted, especially at a time of a serious oversupply of doctors.30
Furthermore. Hartmann seems to have been genuinely popular with the poorer inhabitants of Rosenheim; a petition by forty-eight members of the assembly of the works council of a local firm went as far as calling him a 'real philanthropist'. This petition pleaded for his release from remand imprisonment, because he had
treated the family members in the most conscientious way like no other doctor In and around Rosenheim. Moreover, workers arc prepared to stand witness as they believe they can prove that similar cases as those which Dr Hartmann has been accused of can also be found among persons from better circles and other doctors.31
The suggestion was that abortion was practised among bourgeois circles with the collusion of local doctors, something which may well have been more widespread than was officially accepted. Moral support for Hartmann also came from a group of disabled war veterans who regarded it the 'bounden duty' of the working population of Rosenheim ... on whose behalf he undoubtedly suffered this wrong, to express their confidence in him*.32 An editorial in the Rosenheimer Volkszeitung. too, campaigned on Hartmann's behalf. It praised his 'medical competence, personal integrity, and exemplary humanity'. II also demanded that he be paid damages and readmitted as a health insurance doctor.33
There is further evidence of Hartmann's honourable and idealistic stance. He did not just carry out terminations in private, he also had the courage to speak out in public in favour of abortion reform. In the spring of 1922, a few weeks before the judicial enquiry into his case began, he appeared as one of two public speakers at a Munich mass rally that had the slogan 'Women who do not want to be mothers'. It was organized by the KPD and took place in the Hackcrkclle, near the Thcresienwiese. the site of the annual beer festival, the Obtoberfest. Like the other speakers, the communist doctor Leo Klaubcr and the KPD Reichstag delegate Wcndclin Thomas, Hartmann called for the decriminalization of abortion. This was no small feat given that he was doing

up his abortion business. But even if we give Hartmann's colleagues the benefit of the doubt we cannot rule out the probability that they were also motivated by commercial considerations. Hartmann himself was certainly convinced that the 'smear campaign' against him was fuelled by 'professional jealousy', because he had 'repeatedly strayed into their patch*.2' The Rosaiheimcr Volkszettung came to a similar conclusion and called the complaints against Hartmann 'utterly base libellous allegiations cunningly constructed by a corrupt clique of competitors'.28 Even Zwicknagel's damning report gave support to such an interpretation. He thought Hartmann had been concerned 'solely with catching more patients' and had performed 'operations ... for easy monetary gain'.20 Professional envy as a motive for the denunciation should certainly not be discounted, especially at a time of a serious oversupply of doctors.30
Furthermore. Hartmann seems to have been genuinely popular with the poorer inhabitants of Rosenheim; a petition by forty-eight members of the assembly of the works council of a local firm went as far as calling him a 'real philanthropist'. This petition pleaded for his release from remand imprisonment, because he had
treated the family members in the most conscientious way like no other doctor In and around Rosenheim. Moreover, workers arc prepared to stand witness as they believe they can prove that similar cases as those which Dr Hartmann has been accused of can also be found among persons from better circles and other doctors.31
The suggestion was that abortion was practised among bourgeois circles with the collusion of local doctors, something which may well have been more widespread than was officially accepted. Moral support for Hartmann also came from a group of disabled war veterans who regarded it the 'bounden duty' of the working population of Rosenheim ... on whose behalf he undoubtedly suffered this wrong, to express their confidence in him*.32 An editorial in the Rosenheimer Volkszeitung. too, campaigned on Hartmann's behalf. It praised his 'medical competence, personal integrity, and exemplary humanity'. II also demanded that he be paid damages and readmitted as a health insurance doctor.33
There is further evidence of Hartmann's honourable and idealistic stance. He did not just carry out terminations in private, he also had the courage to speak out in public in favour of abortion reform. In the spring of 1922, a few weeks before the judicial enquiry into his case began, he appeared as one of two public speakers at a Munich mass rally that had the slogan 'Women who do not want to be mothers'. It was organized by the KPD and took place in the Hackcrkclle, near the Thcresienwiese. the site of the annual beer festival, the Obtoberfest. Like the other speakers, the communist doctor Leo Klaubcr and the KPD Reichstag delegate Wcndclin Thomas, Hartmann called for the decriminalization of abortion. This was no small feat given that he was doing